The last word: Hope for Hungary lies in Budapest, its diverse, liberal capital

Budapest’s ongoing support for liberal values comes despite the Hungarian government’s best efforts to erode it.

One thing that has always fascinated me about Budapest is the coexistence of the two, very different halves of Hungary’s capital: historic Buda and vibrant, commercial Pest, connected by majestic bridges over the Danube that link the contrasting architectural styles of the city’s two sides, symbolising unity amid diversity. 

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Restaurants, bars and cafés spill onto both Buda’s and Pest’s streets, filled with students, tourists, and local office workers engaged in animated discussions over beer, wine, coffee and food. The ruin bars of Pest, transformed from abandoned buildings into eclectic social hubs, pulse with music, art, and colourful characters. Street art with messages of hope, resistance, and solidarity, reflects the city’s creative spirit and defiance.  

This vibrant atmosphere fosters a sense of community and openness, which I absolutely love about Budapest.  

I just spent a few days in Hungary’s capital this week, the latest of many, many visits over the years, and it showed me once again how alive that spirit of unity and diversity is in the Hungarian capital and how it remains a bastion of liberal values, even as Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s illiberal dominance pervades elsewhere in Hungary. 

It is evident that since taking office in 2010, Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party have systematically reshaped Hungary’s political landscape, undermining democratic institutions and eroding civil liberties.  

Despite this consolidation of power, Budapest has consistently demonstrated opposition to Orbán’s rule. In 2019’s municipal elections, Gergely Karácsony, a progressive opposition candidate, was elected as the mayor of Budapest. He was re-elected for a second term earlier this year. 

During 2022’s parliamentary election, Hungary’s United Opposition won 16 of Budapest’s 18 urban constituencies, leaving just two peripheral and suburban constituencies to Fidesz. Across the country, Fidesz won 84 out of 86 rural constituencies. This dynamic is emblematic of the deepening divide between urban liberalism and rural conservatism, but it also showcases Budapest’s unique position as a counterforce to the government’s authoritarian drift. 

A liberal city in an illiberal country

Budapest’s ongoing support for liberal values comes despite the national government’s best efforts to erode it. In 2017, Orbán’s cabinet passed legislation that effectively forced Central European University (CEU), a highly regarded institution founded by Hungarian-American philanthropist George Soros, to relocate most of its operations from Budapest to Vienna, depriving the city of a key bastion of liberal discourse. 

Another critical moment of resistance came in came in 2020, when the editor-in-chief of Index.hu, Hungary’s largest independent news outlet, was fired under suspicious circumstances, leading to concerns that the government was tightening its grip on the last remnants of independent journalism. In 2021, Hungary passed a controversial anti-LGBT+ law banning the portrayal of homosexuality or gender transition in educational content and media aimed at minors. All these events led to massive protests erupting in the city. 

Ultimately, Budapest’s symbolic role on Hungary’s political stage is not just about opposition to specific policies or laws—it is about the broader struggle for the soul of the country.  

The city’s progressive, liberal, and internationalist outlook stands in stark contrast to the nationalist and authoritarian agenda pursued by the Orbán government.  

Buda, Pest, and the third city of Óbuda merged to form the single city of Budapest back in 1873, which in its unity and diversity has survived far bigger historical disruptions than Viktor Orbán.  

It will prevail, and I will no doubt return to admire it many times.

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