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Entrenched corruption and weakening democratic institutions in the region can frequently be attributed to the dismantling of critical checks and balances.
Extensive corruption continues to plague Eastern Europe and Central Asia, according to Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), published this week
Kleptocratic and authoritarian regimes and weak democratic institutions are stalling meaningful action to address democratic reform, rule of law and climate change.
With an average score of 35 out of 100, the region ranks well below the global average of 43.
Entrenched corruption and weakening democratic institutions in the region can frequently be attributed to the dismantling of critical checks and balances. Belarus has seen its score drop 14 points to just 33 over the past four years and examples this regression, with over 900 civil society organisations dissolved in 2023.
Corruption in Azerbaijan (which scores 22) has hindered climate action, with elites using state-owned fossil fuel enterprises to consolidate power through politically connected contracts.
The 2024 UN Climate Change Conference (COP29) faced criticism for corporate capture, as fossil fuel executives gained undue influence over decision-making, sidelining civil society. An undercover investigation also revealed the COP29 team’s chief promoting fossil fuel deals ahead of the summit.
‘A cycle of impunity’
“Entrenched corruption and democratic backsliding are fuelling a cycle of impunity across Eastern Europe and Central Asia,” says Altynai Myrzabekova, Eastern Europe and Central Asia Regional Advisor of Transparency International.
“Authoritarian regimes are suppressing oversight, the civil society, exploiting natural resources for private gain, and weakening justice systems to avoid accountability. Without urgent reforms to strengthen transparency, independent institutions, and safeguard civic space, corruption will continue to erode governance, economic stability, and fundamental rights across the region.”
The CPI ranks 180 countries and territories by their perceived levels of public sector corruption on a scale of zero (highly corrupt) to 100 (very clean).
Among the top scorers in the region are Georgia (53), Armenia (47) and Montenegro (46). Azerbaijan (22), Tajikistan (19) and Turkmenistan (17) have the lowest scores.
Fifteen out of nineteen countries in the Eastern Europe and Central Asia region have stagnated or declined, as governments have failed to implement basic measures against corruption.
A weak justice system in Bosnia and Herzegovina (33) has left the country incapable of prosecuting high-level corruption and vulnerable to interest groups exerting undue influence.
Serbia (35) continues to decline, with increased executive control under President Aleksandar Vučić and growing corruption risks. The Novi Sad railway station roof collapse in November, which killed 15, sparked mass protests alleging government corruption government linked to overpriced renovations and lack of accountability.
Additionally, opaque interstate agreements and special legislation for projects like ‘Serbia 2027’ raise concerns about corruption due to weak anti-corruption measures.
Some bright spots in judicial reform have emerged like in Moldova (43), which saw an improvement in its score following the creation of a specialized anti-corruption court and wider judicial reforms implemented under President Maia Sandu.
In Albania (42), specialised anti-corruption prosecution and courts (SPAK) have convicted former ministers, members of Parliament and mayors, a process which has helped earned citizens’ trust.
EU members are also underperforming
Notably, some countries of emerging Europe which are EU members are not performing much better.
Hungary’s (41) Chief of the Prime Minister’s Cabinet Antal Rogan was recently sanctioned by the US government for distributing public contracts to cronies loyal to himself and the Fidesz political party.
In Croatia (47) meanwhile, the health minister was fired over suspicions he accepted bribes in exchange for the approval of procurement of robotic medical equipment from a specific company at inflated prices for several public hospitals.
In Czechia (56), the Antimonopoly Office Chairman’s unchecked power and insufficient transparency expose public procurements to undue influence. The European Public Prosecutor’s Office investigated a contracting authority for rigging tenders for medical equipment supplies. Shockingly, privileged bidders even had access to the procurement management system to compare offers.
Then there’s Slovakia (49). In one year under Robert Fico’s government, Slovakia’s score has sharply declined as numerous reforms erode anti-corruption checks and bypass public consultation.
The government dissolved the Special Prosecutor’s Office and the police’s National Crime Agency, responsible for fighting corruption and serious crimes. Combined with reduced statutes of limitations, lightened corruption penalties and waived potential sentences, these changes have limited the ability to prosecute perpetrators in ongoing cases and have fostered impunity in some high-level cases.
On the bright side, Estonia has pioneered a centralised e-procurement register which has enhanced public access to procurement notices, allowing civil society and the broader public to scrutinise deals.
With a score of 76 the country is once again the highest ranked (13th globally) of any in emerging Europe and Central Asia, well ahead of Lithuania (32nd with a score of 63) and Slovenia (36th with a score of 60).
Photo by Single.Earth on Unsplash.
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